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The summer slump of 2004 is turning into a black hole in which all ideological substances of the democratic-capitalistic Western bloc are disappearing, never to be seen again. In occupied Iraq, the Judeo-American bellwether of the Western bloc is once again showing itself to be the perverse torturer that it has been from the very beginning. Thus, nothing new on the Western Front.
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In the East, the Russian president put one of the rapacious Jewish capitalists (known as oligarchs) not only into a prisoner's box, but into a prison cell, by which means Putin convincingly illustrated the meaning of the term predatory capitalism, which certainly needs to be caged. Thus, there is indeed something new in the East. Here, not only is the sun of the future rising; here the unity of racial and class struggle is also being demonstrated as well as the aim of both: power in the state.
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In the South, the racial struggle is assuming continental proportions. In many African states the black race is taking the offensive against the white race. Only in the Sudan are the Arabs, i.e. members of the Semitic race, expelling the Negroes who have infiltrated into the western province. The Negroes which the humanitarian ship "Cap Anamur" fished out of the Mediterranean Sea immediately claimed to be poor refugees from the Sudan; they were, however, part of the Black African offensive against Europe. The Italian authorities detained the ship for the purpose of scrapping it, put the German starry-eyed humanitarian officers in prison, and sent the Negroes back to Africa – totally unthinkable five years ago! Not only that: together with Bavaria, the German Minister of the Interior, Otto Schily, called for establishing European camps for asylum seekers in Africa, the re-colonisation of which has been in the offing for some time now.
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In the centre of Europe, Negroes and others of foreign race are already occupying the very low-wage jobs into which, beginning in 2005, those Germans who have been unemployed and unable to find work within the period of one year, are to be forced by the provisions of the reform programme "Hartz IV". This compulsion will, however, only be effective if the German labour market rids itself of foreign employees and is relieved of its racially foreign workforce. With that, however, the available workforce would again become scarce, expensive and exclusively German, or would at least be dominated by the white race. Yet for the time being, the devaluation of German work capacity, with the return to 40 and more working hours per week, onto the level of the racially foreign Third World, is increasing by leaps and bounds. Struggles of race and class are distinguishable, but not separable. The social, national and continental struggle for liberation comprises one entity.
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The Deutsches Kolleg sees in all these efforts of the FRG regime to cope with its existential crisis the feckless anticipatory attempt, doomed to failure, at forming the social and labour policy proper to the Fourth Reich.
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All Reich-dismemberment regimes are as yet Third Reich, albeit its waking coma. For: Within it, Adolf Hitler is just as indispensable as he was from 1933-45, when the Reich had the capacity to act: back then as minister of divine providence, now as the devil personified. In the waking coma since 1945, the Reich-dismemberment regimes can only do the exact opposite of what Hitler did in a comparable situation. The conscious transition into the Fourth Reich, as being the abandonment of the Third Reich and its antinomy of the deification and demonisation of Adolf Hitler, is thus the prerequisite for regaining the German People's capacity to act, with which it will master its existential crisis and shake off capitalistic foreign rule.
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A social and economic system that can neither sustain nor maintain 2.2 million unemployed over a longer period of time, will certainly not manage this with 22 million pensioners. The Fourth Reich, too, will not wish to set the stage for such a gigantic destruction of productive capacity. The Fourth Reich can guarantee the right to professional training and the right to employment in one's own profession for all German labourers, because it will have re-established the real German national economy through the primacy of self-economy over market economy. For this reason, the workforce that cannot compete on the labour market due to weakness of youth and old age can be employed in the state labour service, the nationally organised segment of the self-economy. The current regimes on the territory of the Reich will be able to make use of the possibilities to organise communal labour services, which have already been existing under current welfare laws, just as little as previously, because the historical will to distance themselves from the Third Reich by establishing the Fourth Reich is still missing. The basic idea, however, that social welfare is only given to those unable to work, and that all who are able to work are employed in the self-economy for the commonwealth, and that support is only paid in case of indigence is, of course, correct.
